A mother's choice can't define life
Hugo Gurdon, National Post - Friday, October 18, 2002
A Michigan appeal court has drawn new battle lines in America's cultural
conflict over abortion, ruling that a woman who fatally stabbed her
boyfriend may argue that she was protecting the quadruplets gestating
inside her.
Jaclyn Kurr is in jail for the manslaughter of Antonio Pena, whom she
killed after he punched her in the belly when she was 16-17 weeks
pregnant. Her counsel had to argue that this was self-defence after the
trial judge, Richard Lyon Lamb, knocked aside the defendant's main
argument by ruling that the four fetuses' interests were irrelevant.
"I believe in order to be able to assert a defence of others there has
to be a living human being existing independent of your client," Judge
Lamb told Ms. Kurr's attorney with icy clarity: "Under 22 weeks, there
are no others." The appeal court now says otherwise.
The status of unborn babies is not settled in society's mores or in law.
And it never will be while the debate is framed as an issue of location
(the womb) and choice (the mother's). That requires people to accept
what they cannot -- the intellectually incoherent position that the
nature of a being depends on where it is and what someone else thinks of
it.
Willing though many people are to muddle along with this -- because of
political conviction, or lack of it, or for a quiet life -- we know it
is nonsense. If a fetus is not a person, then homicide in its defence is
no more justifiable than homicide in defence of, say, a pet cat. But if
it is a person, then it remains a person with rights irrespective of
whether the mother wants to be rid of it.
Canada has no abortion law and we adopt arch locutions such as"potential" human beings when we want to dispose of the unborn without
guilt. But we refer to babies -- as in "Tobacco smoke hurts babies" --
when the pregnancy is welcome.
The implications of fetuses' variable status are almost too jarring to
believe. In Britain, a driver knocked down a pregnant woman, killing her
unborn child, but he escaped homicide charges because it died inside
her. Another driver was convicted of homicide in identical circumstances
except that, in his case, the baby died from its injuries after it was
born prematurely rather than in the womb. Both drivers did the same
thing with the same result, but one was deemed a killer and the other
not.
Roe v. Wade, which legalized abortion in the United States in 1973, went
far beyond the Constitution by inventing a "right to choose." But it did
not go nearly so far as to close avenues of attack. Indeed, what the
court did in Roe was grant pro-abortion opinion a position that was both
legally indestructible and logically indefensible -- resolving nothing
and guaranteeing perpetual struggle.
The Michigan appeal court made its ruling with its eyes open: "We are
obviously aware," said the three-judge panel, "of the raging debate
occurring in this country regarding the point at which a fetus becomes a
person entitled to all the protections of the state and federal
constitutions.
"Those who support abortion rights are already in hand-to-hand
legislative combat with the Bush administration over plans to give
fetuses a right to ante-natal care; both sides recognize the
implications of granting rights to the unborn. And when Congress last
year debated legislation to criminalize assaults causing miscarriage or
stillbirth, Jerrold Nadler, a pro-abortion Democratic congressman from
New York, warned: "If causing a miscarriage is murder, then, by
implication, so is abortion." His point, that killing a fetus cannot be
murder because abortion cannot be murder, is intellectually consistent,
but blatantly begs the question.
Public acceptance of abortion climbed steadily for more than 20 years
after Roe, according to Gallup, but the tide has flowed back since 1996.
The most recent figures show that 26% of Americans believe abortion
should be legal in all cases; 17% say it should be banned entirely, and
the majority; 56%, believe it should be allowed only in certain cases.
This means three in four believe abortion should be banned in some
circumstances -- that is, they accept that the fetus has a moral status
independent of its mother's opinion.
This was generally accepted in liberal democracies 50 years ago -- which
is why the World Medical Association promulgated, and doctors everywhere
accepted, a universal physician's oath in 1948 in which physicians swore
to "maintain the utmost respect for human life from the time of
conception."
And today, a quarter of a century after abortion became common, the
majority view on abortion is still founded on an understanding that
human life - and rights -- begin before a pregnancy comes to term.
The abortion wars can end only when society tires of relativist
intellectual fashion, and accepts again that some things are not matters
of opinion but are simple truth. Mankind, T.S. Eliot noted, cannot bear
too much reality.
But it cannot bear too much falsehood either.
Copyright 2002 National Post
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